WEDNESDAY, April 24, 2024
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Thaksin must spell out why he seeks talks

Thaksin must spell out why he seeks talks

“I SUGGEST TALKS. I am ready and would like to see the country move forward and democracy returned to the people.” So said former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra to the foreign media over the past weekend.

His rare interviews to the media certainly have dominated the news space. Clearly, Thaksin is still viewed as a main party in the country’s ongoing political conflict. And it was the first time since the coup in 2014 that he had called publicly for talks with the opposite side.
Thaksin’s offer has been rejected by the people in power.
We cannot be completely sure what Thaksin wanted from this offer for talks. And we cannot be certain whether he genuinely wants to end the decade-long political conflict.
If he is really serious about this – what is the purpose of his proposed talks? Is he going to call for the new constitution to be written in a “more democratic” way? Is he going to push for an end to the long drawn-out conflict or find a way out for the country? Is he going to find a solution for himself or for his family members – including sister and former prime minister Yingluck – who are facing different criminal and civil cases?
Thaksin has to make it clear publicly what is the real purpose of his “talks request” with the junta.
The next question involves Thaksin’s status. Normally both sides in talks must have equal bargaining power and possess something the other side wants.
Even when he commanded political power and a strong following from his supporters, Thaksin failed to gain the upper hand over the other side in their negotiations. Today, his bargaining power is even weaker. Although he has a number of supporters, their movements have been restricted.
Thaksin may be confident that his proxy Pheu Thai Party will win the next general election. However, even if the party wins the poll, they will see their power limited by provisions under the new constitution. They will also find it very difficult to amend the charter.
If he sees himself as leader of a party to the conflict, who does he expect to sit on the other side of the negotiating table? Is it General Prayut Chan-o-cha, the prime minister and head of the National Council for Peace and Order? Does he expect to negotiate with the NCPO as a group – or some people behind them?
Thaksin also has to be reminded of his claim that he was “double-crossed” after the previous talks, as the other side failed to follow their agreements.
Judging from the facts involved, it seems Thaksin’s latest call for talks is aimed simply at gaining attention from the media and the public. The timing appears to be right for him: the draft constitution has come under heavy criticism and the country’s economy is still on a downward trend.
However, Thaksin may have forgotten that he is no longer a leader of the movement. He has disappointed his followers many times already, pushing for a blanket amnesty law from which he would also benefit – and making no response at all when an elected government led by Pheu Thai was overthrown in the latest coup.
Once, he may have regarded himself as the centre of the world. But today people have moved on, away from him, and are ready to push for democracy by themselves. They do not need a helping hand that is tainted with conflict of interest. They no longer need to rally for the personal benefit of any politician that they admire.
Both Thaksin and the people in power should be aware of this fact.
 
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