World absorbs the 'ASSK' effects
When opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi of National League of Democracy, receives her Nobel Peace Prize and gives an address to the House of Commons in England, it will mark an historic moment for Southeast Asia. Never before has such an opposition politi
Apparently she is walking the same path set forth by another Nobel laureate Nelson Mandela before her although their political struggles are quite different. She wants democracy through non-violence means but he wanted an end to apartheid by any means. At this juncture, it is still early to say whether she could achieve the same level of influence and goodwill as hm. Undeniably, though, South Africa’s overall status in Africa and the world has been uplift many folds due to his true charisma and the spirit of reconciliation, which has earned him a world statesman. Pretoria has wisely used global goodwill spouting from Mandela’s aura to promote national development and attract investment in all fields. Apart from the much-heralded World Cup in 2010, Mandela also played a major role in bolstering South Africa’s international standings as part of the G-20 and the new power bloc known as BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). Through anti-apartheid political struggles and message of forgiveness, the first black South African president travelled the world and won accolades everywhere he touched down, bringing home international more support and sympathy.
In a similar vein, ASSK is rising. She is taking her charm and peaceful democratic struggle abroad, as an elected member of Hlyutaw or parliament, with her week-long foreign trip in 24 years--first to Thailand and later on to Switzerland, Norway, UK and Ireland. Both Suu Kyi and President Thein Sein were scheduled to speak at the World Economic Forum for East Asia this week in Bangkok. Her informal visit to Thailand has a deep symbolic meaning as both countries share 2400-kilometre border where many ethnic groups are based. Any successful reconciliation plan with minorities in the frontier would need Thai support.
Furthermore, Thein Sein and ASSK appearance at the renowned economic forum would greatly augment the international community’s confidence on continued reform in Myanmar. As long as the two still trust each other, the general goodwill towards this once pariah state will be maintained. Within a brief period, both have made Myanmar grown into the regional and global community albeit armed conflicts with ethnic groups and human rights violations.
After Bangkok, she will leave for an extended visit to Europe that would further raise her international profile. Apart from addressing the International Labor Organization in Geneva, she is scheduled to attend a function host the Nobel Peace Prize committee in Oslo on 16 June, nearly 21 years after she was named as the winner in1991. At that time she was under house arrested and was unable to travel abroad. Then she will speak at the British Parliament followed by a brief visit to Ireland. As the first Asean politician to be a Nobel laureate, she provides the much-needed impetus to the democratic development and inspiration inside the Asean members. Akin to democratic Indonesia that successfully reinvented itself from the lowest denominator to the grouping’s major driving force, Value-added ASSK would further boost Myanmar’s position in Asean as well as its reputation in the global community.
But to ensure a maximum outcome, ASSK, has to increase her own “connectivity”—to borrow the Asean jargon--with the Asean region and its 600 million citizens. For the time being, she has much in common with the norms and standards in the West. As time goes by, she will grow closer with the region, which once discarded her. Ironically, Asean is the exactly the kind of organization she could one day shape and influence. When Myanmar takes up the Asean chair in 2014, Nayphidaw and herself can contribute to the Asean openness and integration, if they so desire. In case her political future continues to blossom, she could become the country’s future leader whic will allow her to directly set the grouping’s agenda. Eventually, she could become the most popular politician in Asean.
After her first meeting with Thein Sein in last August, Asean lowered its guards and become more supportive of her democratic struggle. From 1990-2011, her relations with Asean and its leaders were nightmarish. Both sides avoided one another ever since the infamous aborted meeting in July 1995 between her and Yangon-based Asean diplomats. At the time, Asean gave in to Myanmar’s pressure—favoring the junta than a lone opposition leader. In February, she held talks with Dr. Surin Pitsuwan, Secretary General of Asean for the first time, breaking the ice of frozen ties. After the meeting, Surin was succinct in describing ASSY and her role: “She can energize the Myanmese body politic and also rejuvenate hope for all people of Asean, particularly the marginalized and the down-trodden. She is an icon of democracy for her people, and a beacon of hope for 600 million people of Asean and beyond!”.
Since then, she made more comments on Asean. When she met a group of Asean-based business leaders in February, she revealed her “simple ambition” of wanting to see Myanmar further developed and hopefully overtaken some of the Asean members in the next 10 years. Her dream could come true if the reformation is irreversible along with the process of democratization, effectively ending all Western sanctions.
In retrospect, given her status and political role she is playing now, some of the Asean leaders owed her an apology for making intimidating comments against her when she was under incarceration. Prior to her release, the Asean leaders avoided meeting with her. Back then Thai former prime minister Chuan Leekphai was the only Asean leader refused to visit Myanmar during his premiership (1997-2000) because he was not allowed to see her. After 12 years, Chuan eventually met her in Yangon early this year.
Through thick and thin, ASSK has manifested that she is a transformational leader in character, playing by the rule and followed pacifist ways to win over her adversary. She is different from some power-hungry Southeast Asian leaders who go after economic growth as the only redemption for their tight-fist rule that often trumps human rights and democracy. Whether the region is witnessing a new stewardship in Asean in the making will depend on her learning curve and ability to define her role beyond her country. Of course, as the opposition leader, she must show first and foremost her ability to realize national reconciliation and bringing well-beings to her people and subsequently others in the region.
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