Let's take a leaf out of Lee's book to deal with EU yellow card

The statement also called for a nondiscriminatory and transparent consideration and action by the EU on this issue with Thailand that truly reflected the actual situation marked by the much-increased earnest effort by the government to tackle this multi-decade long of problem.

 

The statement – specifically from the Directorate-General for Maritime Affairs and Fisheries (DG MARE) – also called for “non-discriminatory and transparent consideration and action” by the EU on this issue that truly reflects the actual situation.

At this juncture, it is futile to ask “why” and “why now” a yellow card is being brandished, just as Thailand is beginning to turn the corner in terms of earnest efforts to undo this Gordian knot. The milk has already been spilled. In order to know what’s next, we must reflect on how we got here.

IUU has been a thorn in EU-Thailand relations for a long while. One civilian government after another swept it under the rug because so much hush money was involved and systemic corruption was so pervasive. The problem also involves several agencies, ranging from the Ministry of Agriculture and Cooperatives (especially the Fishery Department) to the ministries of Commerce and Foreign Affairs and the police department. The more cowherds there are, the worse the cows are looked after.

The current government has worked harder than any previous administration to rectify the knotty issue, but its complexity makes a speedy solution impossible. Involved in the mix are self-centred and hard-headed government officials who care more about protecting their fiefdoms than the country’s best interests, the duplicity of the players involved, the abject poverty that lures down-trodden workers into the maw of the desperados in the fishing industry, and the lack of unity on the working team. These factors, and an ineffective effort to get the message across regarding the progress the current government has made, all contributed to the initial punitive measure by the EU. 

A lack of real understanding of the power play in EU-DG MARE politics has also rendered Thailand’s efforts unnoticed and underappreciated. There is a gaping hole between the strides Thailand has made and the perception among foreign governments of our efforts, candour and accomplishments. Thailand must now think hard how best to answer the question as to why, at the end of the day, despite all endeavours to improve the situation, the international community remains unimpressed. 

We also have to accept the fact that lobbying by people opposed to the current government, as well as that by foreign competitors, has been quite effective. Regarding the former, there is enough evidence to assume there’s an eel under the rock. As to the latter, Thailand has long been one of the world’s largest exporters of seafood, and our success makes us a natural target. More importantly, we have to accept the fact that, on the social media, Thailand’s reputation regarding illegal labour has been spun so negatively that we will also need to address this problem squarely, because it makes the IUU yellow card and the lowly Tier 3 trade status assigned by the US de facto intertwined. It is the making of a perfect storm for Thailand.

There are at least three possible approaches Thailand could take to be effective in dealing with looming trade sanctions by the EU and US.

First, we need a “Team Thailand” to deal with the twin main issues, giving its leader a full mandate to cut across the wide spectrum of bureaucratic red tape. That mandate must come with adequate budget support.

Secondly, the Thai private sector – whose financial interests are at stake with sanctions threatened – needs to be brought into the process. And the government must listen to those directly involved in the industry, not just those guiding it from their armchairs. They are sensible and already have in place their own defence mechanisms that the government can utilise. 

Thirdly, we must find more effective ways to make our side of the story heard. This requires both an accurate understanding of the mentality of the EU and the US and mechanisms to get on the same side with them.

Finally, as an absolutely last resort, Article 44 of the interim constitution might be the most effective option. Thailand has been damned for having it in the first place, but we should deploy it when it means righting past wrongs, especially the corruption that allows human trafficking and illegal and forced labour to continue. Article 44 is a double-edged sword, so good and evil can result. The government therefore must be absolutely judicious and meticulous in how it is used.

To Western governments, ours can do no right simply because it did not emerge from the rubbish elections that the West equates with democracy. It’s time for us to stop worrying about fostering their affection. The most important task is to rise above such banal factors and focus instead on doing the right thing by our people and nation. 

The late Lee Kuan Yew was an uncompromising, focused leader in the same vein as the British wartime prime minister Winston Churchill. He did for Singapore all the right things by Singapore, not because he wanted anyone’s approval. His detractors called him a dictator and worse, but they did not distract him from accomplishing what he set out to do – making Singapore a proud nation in its own right, for all the right reasons. By so doing, he earned respect for his country the old-fashioned way – he and his people earned it. And as Mr Lee himself once said, it was the Singaporeans who had the last laugh.