Does junta want political parties to start from zero?

Junta chief and Prime Minister General Prayut Chan-o-cha had repeatedly told the public that the prolonged political conflict had been caused by politicians. Most people had been thinking along the same lines as the junta chief.

So, it came as no surprise when the junta tried to change the political system and several issues involving politicians and their past actions . 

Apart from political reforms suggested by the now-defunct National Reform Council, the rejected charter draft already had relevant clauses. 

The most controversial issue and the one that would have had the biggest impact on political parties was the mixed-member proportional (MMP) electoral system. The new system would have paved the way for a coalition government to prevent “one-man rule” and ensure no “winner takes it all”. 

Obviously, the system would have reduced the number of Pheu Thai party MPs if it had been adopted. 

The charter drafters had adopted the German-style MMP system that would have made elections reflect the aspirations of all voters, as the number of seats allocated to political parties in Parliament would have been commensurate with the proportion of votes each party received nationwide. Small parties and independent candidates would also have had a better chance at the polls. 

Now it was the organic law on political parties that Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Krea-ngam had recently described as “bizarre” and would have affected current political parties. 

Originally, the deputy PM had suggested to the Cabinet the road map, known as the “6-4-6-4” model, would take 20 months before the next election after a new charter drafter committee was set up next month. 

Wissanu said the proposal to shorten the electoral campaign period from three months to two might have been acceptable to established political parties like Pheu Thai and the Democrats. But newer and smaller parties would definitely have been at a disadvantage, as they would have had to register, attract enough members as required by law and print campaign posters. 

Wissanu warned that both the Democrats and Pheu Thai parties would have had to re-register their parties from scratch in order to be fair to the newer parties. 

Currently, no one can register the formation of new political parties due to the ban imposed by the National Council for Peace and Order.

Some observers may know whether the comment of Wissanu, key to the government’s legal affairs, will really happen - or was it just a “hint” or a “guide” or a “blueprint”? 

His latest comment raised concerns and reminded the public of the Samakkhi Tham party, a Thai pro-military and conservative political party founded by Narong Wongwan after the military coup d'etat 1991. 

The party won the election in March, 1992, and nominated coup leader Suchinda Kraprayoon as prime minister. He stepped down later after the bloody crackdown known as "Black May". 

Every coup will always spark concerns that the coup leaders will want to retain their power in any form. The latest coup was no exception.

Judging from history, Wissanu’s comment on organic law could be interpreted as a means to pave the |way for a military-affiliated party. Such a party would be formed by politicians from small and medium-sized parties and they would have to give members of larger parties more time to leave their old parties and join the new one.

And this emphasised the junta’s apparent wish to cleanse society of old politicians – or at least restrain their power – especially those belong to Pheu Thai and the Democrats, the two major parties. 

It might even wish to dissolve all existing parties in order to reset the political landscape. 

And this could be another “zero set” theory for the junta.