It started out as a simple, albeit fierce quarrel between a Buddhist couple and a gold shop owner in the small town in central Myanmar, before erupting into a street brawl in which a Buddhist monk was killed. As soon as news spread that a Muslim man had killed a Buddhist monk, mobs started rampaging through the town, looting and burning shops owned by people of both religions. The situation spiralled so badly out of control that President Thein Sein had to impose a state of emergency and curfew to keep law and order.
Sectarian conflict in Myanmar is not a rare occurrence. The riots in Meikhtila have come just five months after severe violence in western Rakhine state, where Muslim Rohingya and Buddhist Rakhine are still finding it difficult to live together. Thein Sein instructed a fact-finding panel to probe the situation and work out what caused that riot, but the panel is now busy studying the latest problem.
Communal conflict in Myanmar has two sources – race and religion. As well as being a religious minority in a predominantly Buddhist country, Muslim Rohingya are not regarded Myanmar citizens.
However, the conflict in the central region is slightly different. Muslims living in this part of the country are mostly of Indian, Chinese or Bangladeshi descent, and moved to Myanmar as migrant workers while it was a British colony. Though many of the migrants were driven out when the junta took over in the 1960s, many stayed on, living separately from the Buddhists. Up to 30 per cent of the residents in Meikhtila are Muslim and, according to official statistics, Muslims make up about 4 per cent of the country’s total population of about 60 million.
Analysts say that clashes are erupting more readily these days because the new era of openness means people can express themselves more freely. This may be making the majority of Buddhists feel insecure as their dominance is being challenged.
Judging from the recent conflicts with Rohingya, Buddhist monks seem to be taking a leading role in the sectarian violence by championing anti-Muslim campaigns in the country. This is despite the fact that the Buddha taught his followers to be compassionate and tolerant towards everybody, regardless of caste or creed.
However, it is still unclear whether the latest conflicts were a spill-over from Rakhine state, if they were stirred up, or if old wounds that already existed in the communities of the central region were reopened.
It seems Thein Sein and his reform architects need to add more elements to the restructuring blueprint in order to accommodate all differences. The government, which is negotiating peace and reconciliation with many ethnic minorities, should also launch interfaith dialogue in communities to end sectarian disputes. Talking might not be a perfect solution for all conflicts, but at least it would provide space for people to release long-standing frustration and grievances they might have in their communities.
Social unrest cannot be allowed to become an excuse to suppress the embryo of this emerging democracy. Emergency decrees, curfews and troops on standby should only be short-term measures to maintain order – never a lasting solution.