Perhaps, this power arrangement might make things easy for the established elite, the military, bureaucrats and the premier himself when it comes to running the country, but nobody can really say if it will prove to be good for the country in the long run.
Prayuth’s arrangement of the ministerial portfolios makes it seem as if he doesn’t know or trust anybody else other than his schoolmates and military associates. It’s as if the country lacks professionals and has only a few good men.
Of course, the premier might actually dislike professional politicians.
Of the 32 members of Prayuth’s Cabinet, 13 hail from the military or the police. Though some of these officers have retired, many still hold active ranks and positions in the military. Many also hold additional positions in the junta, not to mention the posts in executive boards, committees and sub-committees of other state enterprises and agencies.
In fact, Prayuth himself is the junta chief, Army chief, chairman of the ‘Superboard’ that takes care of all state enterprises among others.
Then come his deputies – they are all top brass such as Supreme Commander General Tanasak Patimapragorn, Air Chief Marshal Prajin Juntong and Navy chief Admiral Narong Pipatanasai, in addition to Pol General Adul Saengsingkaew.
Politically speaking, Adul was not meant to benefit from this coup, as he was a man of the previous regime. After all, he was unceremoniously removed from his position as national police chief soon after May 22, but luckily he ended up with a high-powered job because he is a classmate of Prajin at pre-cadet school.
Apart from top brass, the civilians in the Cabinet aren’t exactly diverse. There are a couple of blue bloods, there are some senior civil servants and members of the elite who either directly or indirectly support the Democrat Party-sponsored People’s Democratic Reform Committee, which held months long street protests against the last government before the military stepped in.
In addition, these civilians in the Cabinet would not have the freedom to initiate policies as ministers have been ordered to only work under military guidelines.
Now, it would be understandable if military officers were put in charge of security and given portfolios like Defence and Interior, but it is difficult to explain why they need to be given Economic, Social and Education ministries.
ACM Prajin has been handed the Transport portfolio, assistant Army chief General Chatchai Sarikalya the Commerce portfolio, while Defence Ministry’s permanent-secretary General Surasak Kanjanarat is labour minister.
Perhaps these arrangements will translate to Thailand having excellent transport facilities with combat ability, the ability to get into tough, war-like trade negotiations and a workforce that is disciplined like soldiers.
As for the Social Development and Human Security Ministry, it will from now on be run in rank-and-file order like the police bureau considering that former police chief Adul is overseeing it. But hang on! Thai police have never been that disciplined anyway.
Also, consider the training Thai students will get now that Navy chief Admiral Narong is holding the Education portfolio and one of his deputies is deputy Army chief-of-staff Lt-General Surachet Chaiwong.
These two gentlemen have not yet said what they plan, but Prayuth has been quite clear, saying youngsters have too much homework and vocational students are too dangerous. He said he wants Thai students to have high morals and know about Thai history – or the country’s royal history at least.
Having the military run the country is not new in Thai history, but the Kingdom has very rarely seen progress and development as a result of this. Let’s hope Prayuth, as prime minister, doesn’t end up repeating history.