With democracy comes dread

Maung Maung Myint, a caretaker of the Bengali Sunni Jameh Mosque in Yangon, joined the anti-military protests of 1988 and the monk-led Saffron Revolution of 2007.

The famed mosque, built in 1862, sits across the street from the Sule Pagoda which was a focal point for the 1988 and 2007 mass protests, both of which ended in brutal army crackdowns.

“One of my cousins was killed in the 1988 crackdown,” said Maung Maung Myint, 57. “Back then, Buddhists and Muslims were united against the military.” “We Muslims fought for democracy, but now that we have democracy we don’t have safety,” he said. “We were safer under the military.” Myanmar’s new era of parliamentary democracy started with the polls in November 2010, which were won by the pro-military Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).

The elections theoretically put an end to 48 years of military rule, and the subsequent policies of reform-minded President Thein Sein brought the once-pariah state Myanmar back into the international fold.

Western democracies dropped their economic sanctions on Myanmar last year, prompting a whirlwind of visits by world leaders, aid agencies, businessmen and tourists.

Enthusiasm for the new Myanmar has been dampened only by the outbreak of sectarian violence, first in the Rakhine State last year, claiming 167 mostly Muslim dead, and again this year when three anti-Muslim riots in central and northern Myanmar left about 50 Muslims killed.

Predominantly Buddhist Myanmar has not experienced such serious religious violence since its brief fling with democracy under elected prime minister U Nu, who ruled between 1949 to 1962.

Military strongman General New Win, who overthrew U Nu in a coup in 1962, brooked no dissent, religious or secular, during his iron-fisted rule until 1988. The juntas that ruled between 1988 to 2010 also kept a tight lid on any sign of unrest.

With the advent of semi-democracy and freedom of speech, long-suppressed sectarian tensions have bubbled to the surface again, fuelled by some well-organised hate campaigns.

Leading the anti-Muslim resurgence has been Buddhist monk Wirathu, who has described himself as the Osama bin Laden of Buddhism, and instigated the 969 movement earlier this year aimed at encouraging Buddhists to boycott businesses owned by Muslims.

Extremist monks started passing out 969 logos, derived from the nine attributes of the Buddha, the six attributes of Dharma and nine attributes of monkhood, in February, beginning in the Mon state and spreading nationwide.

The Mon state’s capital of Moulmein has the highest ratio of Muslims to Buddhists in Myanmar, accounting for about one-third of the city’s population.

Most are the descendants of Indian labourers brought to Moulmein by the British when the city served as its first colonial capital between 1826 and 1852.

“Many people here feel overwhelmed by the Muslim community,” said Ko Zaw, who posted the 969 logo on his gold shop six months ago. “At first I didn’t know what it represented, but now I can’t take it down because I don’t want to piss the monks off,” he said.

Many observers believe the 969 movement is a political game being played by elements of the military or the USDP ahead of a general election in 2015.

Manipulated or not, the movement has gained traction because of ingrained fears and prejudices against Myanmar Muslims, who make up 5 per cent of the population according to government statistics, although that figure is debatable.

There has been no official census since 1983, and some estimates put the real percentage of Muslims at above 10 per cent.

“Wirathu is not a magician,” said Ko Ko Gyi, a political activist who spent 16 years in jail for his anti-government activities. “Part of the problem is the sentiment of the people, which is smouldering.” Last month, bandits held up a Muslim-owned bus en route from Moulmein to Yangon, shooting the driver dead and robbing the passengers with the warning that this was what they deserved for doing business with a Muslim, according to police reports.

The Myanmar government has not criticised Wirathu, and earlier this month banned a Time Magazine cover story that depicted him as a terrorist. Officials claim there is no proof that the monk’s campaigns are related to the anti-Muslim violence.

But they deny supporting the movement.

“Neither the government nor the USDP is behind this movement,” said Htay Oo, vice chairman of the USDP. “I believe there are some groups that might want to undermine peace and stability but it is difficult to find a stone thrower who remains in the dark,” he said.