In Turkey, in Thailand, coups are not the answer

A military coup in Turkey failed on Friday night, but it should not have been attempted in the first place. There, as in Thailand and any country with a toehold on democracy, military muscle should never be used to topple an elected regime – no matter how poor the government is perceived to be. The Turks who sacrificed their lives resisting the coup deserve to be hailed as national heroes for trying to protect the noble concept of rule by popular mandate.
Many of those who died would have been simply supporters of President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his introduction of Islamic values. Yet the clear consensus among the public seems to be revulsion at the armed forces attempting to impose regime change while offering nothing in return, apart from a reversion to smothering military authority, which Turkey only shook off in this century. Power can reasonably be assumed only on the basis of a popular mandate achieved through free and fair elections.
Political developments in modern Turkey have been no less complicated than those encountered in Thailand and other emerging nations. President Erdogan is widely viewed as one of the most divisive leaders in his country’s recent history. He has embellished his support by bringing economic wealth to the country, yet he has done so with a stern, autocratic hand on the reins. Most worryingly to the West, he has allowed the secular republic to gradually become a more puritanical Islamist state.
In the corridors of power since 2002, Erdogan was prime minister for 11 years before becoming the country’s first directly elected president in August 2014. Unlike in other presidential republics such as the United States, Turkey’s post was at first largely ceremonial, but in the course of the past two years Erdogan has consolidated power, chiefly by overriding the parliamentary system. As a civilian, his relationship with the mighty military elite has never been sound. In 2013 senior officers were among 17 people sentenced to life imprisonment for plotting to overthrow the government, which was led by Erdogan’s Justice and Development Party.
Erdogan stands accused of using of the judicial branch to lock away dissidents, including military officers. Immediately after Friday’s coup attempt, the authorities removed 2,745 judges from duty, accusing them of siding with the insurrectionists. It is evident that the rule of law has never been properly established in Turkey, where judges and prosecutors are widely regarded as partisan.
The situation in Turkey now is critical. Erdogan is calling the failed coup a divine blessing, since he can now purge his political enemies and tighten his grip on power. In total, more than 6,000 individuals have been arrested, and he has asked the US to extradite the Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen, his one-time ally, who stands accused of helping plan the coup. Gulen rejects the charge.
The US, European Union and others have warned Erdogan not to see his survival in the botched coup as a “blank cheque” to exterminate dissidents in the military, opposition parties or any popular movement. He is, however, celebrating a triumph of sorts and obviously vengeful, though to what degree remains to be seen. He is likely to further consolidate his hold on power and Turkey is apt to become less moderate and more fundamentally Islamist and authoritarian.
The Turks who resisted the coup attempt, their minds set firmly against a return to military rule, must now look ahead to the uncertain future. It is one matter to reject old-fashioned dictatorship, and it will be entirely another to restore the rule of law and a measure of moderation in their country’s governance. The failed coup and Erdogan’s survival do not constitute the end of history.