Nepotism can't be good for the party or country

Yaowapa attracted huge attention when news broke that she would run for Parliament under the Pheu Thai banner in Chiang Mai. As expected, she won the seat and became an MP, and her status means much more than one more vote for the party in Parliament. This is just a stepping stone in her preparations to serve as replacement prime minister if and when the party needs her. She denies this, however, and Thaksin says he just wants Yaowapa to help Prime Minister Yingluck with parliamentary work. Many people refused to believe this, noting that Yaowapa could assist her sister just as easily without becoming an MP.

Thaksin’s son Panthongtae seemed even less convincing when he asserted on Facebook that Pheu Thai needs a substitute prime minister ready lest the same fate befall it that swept away its predecessors – the Thai Rak Thai and People’s Power parties also founded by his father.

The ostensible leadership of Yongyut Wichaidit and the late Samak Sundaravej notwithstanding, the three Thaksin parties have all been run by Shinawatras. Thaksin handpicks the leader he thinks suits his agenda. The nature of the party, as seen by political analysts, reflects the thinking of one man, and Yaowapa’s “comeback” has his signature all over it. 

The new Chiang Mai MP is a veteran politician compared to her younger sister. Yaowapa was considered an influential figure during the glory days of Thai Rak Thai, with more than 100 MPs under her control. Unlike the current premier, she had the bargaining power to negotiate ministerial seats directly with her brother Thaksin. The media have dubbed her “a lady with three positions” – sister of Thaksin, wife of former premier Somchai Wongsawat, and elder sister of current premier Yingluck. Her five-year political ban was lifted in time for her to return to politics and serve her brother’s agenda, should Yingluck suffer a political accident. Yaowapa, who assisted Yingluck through her election campaign, is seen as yet another part of the jigsaw puzzle, which allows clan members to inherit the driver’s seat while Thaksin is unable to take the wheel.

The re-emergence of Yaowapa has again underlined the ruling party’s nepotistic structure. The leadership, unlike that of the rival Democrats, is handpicked by the strongman. There is no democratic procedure in the selection process. The major policies – the rice-price pledging scheme, the Bt2-trillion infrastructure loan and the high-speed rail projects – undergo little if any debate among party members.

The opposition Democrat Party has been questioned about its structure too, but when it comes to the leadership and policies, it has never been controlled by one figure. The party has recently showed enthusiasm for internal reform, but only amid much debate inside the party itself.

Critics have pinpointed the “old guard” as being a negative factor in Thailand’s oldest political party, but at least its flaws can be blamed on collective decision-making. In contrast, Pheu Thai rules the country, for better or worse, at the behest of one man who orchestrates from without. From portfolio allocation to major monetary policies, Pheu Thai has only one decision-maker. This is not healthy for party politics or the country, especially when that person is the country’s most divisive figure. 

This style of leadership can only be good for the country if Thaksin were to put the country’s interests before his own or those of his clan. We have seen the mostly positive benefit of “one-man leadership” in the dramatic development of Singapore and Malaysia. But in the case of Thailand, this is far from true. The emergence of Yaowapa might be the right choice for the Pheu Thai Party, but it remains to be seen whether it will make Thai politics and Thailand any healthier.