Boonsin wave fires up Gen Z, crushing People's Party momentum

Lt Gen Boonsin Padklang, the down-to-earth commander sparking nationalism among Gen Z and Gen Alpha

Between 2020 and 2021, the “three-finger protest” spread like wildfire among Thailand’s younger generations, particularly Gen Z and Gen Alpha. The political climate grew sharper with the rise of progressive activist groups such as Ratsadon, Thalu Wang, Thalu Gas, and Dao Din.

The “three-finger movement” in Thailand emerged after the 2014 military coup, inspired by the Hunger Games salute as a symbol of defiance against authoritarian rule.

It became most prominent during the 2020–2021 youth-led protests, when students and activists, mainly from Gen Z and Gen Alpha, used the gesture to demand democracy, constitutional reform and, in some cases, monarchy reform.

The three raised fingers symbolise freedom, equality and fraternity, and the movement quickly drew international attention as a striking emblem of Thailand’s new generation pushing for political change.

This wave of youth-led political expression propelled the Move Forward Party to rapid growth, culminating in its electoral victory in 2023. The orange (Move Forward Party's colour ) tide sweeping across the country unsettled the conservative establishment, prompting a behind-the-scenes deal between Thaksin Shinawatra and the elite.

Then came the Thai–Cambodian border crisis in 2025, which coincided with the rise of the so-called “Boonsin phenomenon.” Images of Lt Gen Boonsin Padklang, commander of the 2nd Army Area, touring schools and universities nationwide as part of daily talk-show-style sessions quickly transformed him into a new influencer idolised by young Thais.

In the final stretch before September 30, 2025, when Boonsin retires, the Royal Thai Army approved the use of military aircraft for Boonsin and Maj Gen Winthai Suvaree, together with the army’s spokesperson team, to travel across the country. Their mission: to instil patriotic sentiment among students and young people in educational institutions.

The “Boonsin phenomenon” has fuelled a surge of nationalism, eclipsing the once-dominant three-finger protest symbol.

Meanwhile, the People's Party’s Politburo (which replaced the Move Forward Party after its dissolution) decision to back Anutin Charnvirakul as prime minister, forming a minority government, sparked turmoil among its grassroots members nationwide. Many of its allied academics and activists aligned with the “three-finger” movement have since abandoned the People’s Party.

With only four months left before a potential House dissolution, the party’s leadership faces the urgent challenge of restoring credibility after its controversial decision to support Anutin as prime minister.

Between 2009 and 2011, Thailand and Cambodia were embroiled in a conflict that escalated into armed clashes along the Lower Northeastern border. Yet, nationalist fervour at the time never reached the intensity seen today.

The difference likely stems from the power of social media in an era dominated by influencers, where anyone can establish themselves as an independent broadcaster across multiple platforms.

Against this backdrop, Lt Gen Boonsin has been elevated to near-messianic status, hailed as a national hero defending sovereignty.

The “Boonsin phenomenon” reflects a society yearning for a protector of the nation’s sovereignty, while Paetongtarn Shinawatra’s government appears weak and ambiguous in its stance on the border crisis.

Boonsin, a true son of the Northeast, is not a polished speaker. Yet his blunt and unpretentious declarations of patriotism have become his most powerful asset.

His defiant statement before the five-day border war, “This land has been ours for generations. If they want it, let’s fight and finish it. It’s not that difficult.”, resonated deeply. What progressive academics dismissed as archaic rhetoric found unexpected traction among Gen Z and Gen Alpha, who embraced his words with surprising enthusiasm.

Although the latest Nida poll by the National Institute of Development Administration showed Nutthaphong Ruangpanyawut and the People’s Party leading across all regions, the surge of nationalism has left many orange-leaning supporters hesitant, wary of going against the nationalist tide.

During the clashes, People’s Party leaders and figures from the Progressive Movement attempted to promote the idea of a “progressive nationalism,” urging the public not to be swept away by the “Boonsin phenomenon.”

Since Anutin Charnvirakul became prime minister, however, the People’s Party has largely been on the defensive, facing two major challenges. The first was its executive committee’s decision to support the Bhumjaithai Party, despite their starkly different ideologies, leaving local MPs struggling to explain the move to their constituents. 

The second was the meteoric rise of Boonsin , who has drawn away voters from both Gen X and Gen Z, once a stronghold of the orange camp.

Even former “yellow shirt” supporters, disillusioned with Prayut Chan-o-cha and who had voted for Move Forward in 2023, have now flocked to back Boonsin.

It is said that the nationalist wave among students, ignited by Boonsin, will ultimately be harvested by a new breed of “self-made” young politicians.

In the Northeast, a former electoral stronghold of the People’s Party, the next election may not deliver the same dominance among young voters as in 2023, with Gen Z now idolising a crop of ambitious, self-styled youth politicians. 

Mid-sized parties are increasingly becoming hubs for these figures, with Mahasarakham province emerging as a centre for youth-oriented politics, bolstered by networks of “artist armies” designed to appeal to younger voters.

Bhumjaithai may gain some advantage from the Boonsin wave, but analysts suggest a newly emerging party could reap far more. 

Pheu Thai, meanwhile, stands to lose the most, with projections that its MPs in the Northeast could fall to under 30 seats, from well over 100 previously.

The “Boonsin phenomenon” has eased much of the establishment’s anxiety about the orange wave that swept the country two years ago. 

Few would have expected that today’s Gen Z and Gen Alpha would embrace patriotism and love of the homeland with even greater fervour than the baby boomer generation.

Pracha Buraphawithi