Ensuring free and fair by-elections on April 1 is one of the fundamental tasks facing authorities. Simply staging the poll itself is not enough to prove that Burma is moving toward democracy.
The nature of the electoral process and the degree of public participation will indicate the extent of genuine democracy in the country. The more transparent the poll process, the more democratic Burma will be. Thein Sein has voiced concern over many irregularities in the lead-up to the election, such as putting names of dead persons into lists of eligible voters, and removal of voters from their constituencies. He has called on electoral authorities throughout the nation to quickly resolve the problems before the poll on Sunday.
The by-election to fill 48 vacant seats is important not because of opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi’s participation, but because it could allow Burma to put in place a fundamental structure for democracy. Burma missed an opportunity to do so when it held a general election in November 2010, as many people, including Suu Kyi, were kept away from the poll. The vote, which brought the Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) to power, was widely viewed as badly flawed.
Sunday’s election, the first under the current regime, will be opened to international observers and media. The government cannot afford to let the poll be denounced as unfair by international observers. Thein Sein said in programmes on state-run television and radio that the by-election would be a test of the government’s commitment to political reform. International judgement on the poll seems to be important to Thein Sein, as it will influence many Western countries’ decisions on whether to lift sanctions.
But the most important thing is how the Burmese bureaucracy acts. It has been familiar with military rule for decades. Many irregularities found in the election preparations were the result of officials at all levels trying to please people in power. Media reported that many local administrative branches have blocked or obstructed Suu Kyi’s movements during her election campaign, and did many things in favour of the ruling USDP’s candidates. Suu Kyi has herself raised these irregularities and campaign abuses. The authorities also cancelled elections in three Kachin constituencies for “security reasons”. Ethnic Kachin candidates said the cancellations were unfair, according to a report from the Mizzima news agency.
Burmese political activists say the situation reflects the fact that the top-down reforms had not yet been able to change the mindset of bureaucrats at lower levels. They were doing the same things they did or were ordered to do in previous elections, they said. Burmese bureaucrats are not familiar with the multiparty political system and transparent elections. Some officials have no idea how to deal with opposition parties, ethnic groups, civil society and international figures who want to participate or least have a say in the political development of the country.
Stakeholders in Burma’s politics comprise not only the cabinet, military, political parties and Suu Kyi, but also ethnic groups, both armed and unarmed; civil society groups based in and outside the country; and exiles and dissidents. Thein Sein must design his reforms and instruct his officials in the bureaucracy to accommodate all of them in Burmese democracy.