Although nobody is expecting this rally to oust the government, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra’s administration has five reasons to reassess the situation if it really wants to mend fences and overcome the political rough patch.
First, the ruling Pheu Thai Party should come to terms with the stark reality that despite its popularity and majority control, it will forever be haunted by strong opposition as long as it lets fugitive former PM Thaksin Shinawatra be its puppeteer.
Second, government leaders should review their stance against opponents – whether they should be seen as undemocratic enemies or be engaged as partners to improve the political system.
Two years ago, the Democrats decided to shun the red shirts, portraying them as Thaksin’s cronies. But they couldn’t stop the red-shirt movement from growing by leaps and bounds. Pheu Thai bigwigs ought to heed this lesson and learn how to pacify instead of provoking the crowds.
Third, regardless of the rhetoric about democratic versus undemocratic struggle, Thaksin remains at the centre of the political divide.
The bottom line is, as long as Thaksin’s fate remains uncertain, the country will not be able come out turmoil because both the pro- and anti-Thaksin camps will take turns citing his plight as a pretext to mobilise the masses to seize power.
Both the government and the opposition camp owe the Thai people a final decision on what they want to do about Thaksin, rather than letting the problem fester and cause untold damage.
Fourth, Thaksin is advised to maintain a low profile pending a resolution on his plight. The more clout he flaunts over the government and the red shirts, the more difficult it will become to forge an environment that is conducive to ending the political war of colours.
Fifth, the government should take note of the fact that Pitak Siam has timed its rally to coincide with Pheu Thai’s renewed attempt to rewrite the Constitution.
The charter has been amended countless times, but this round is particularly tough because of mutual qualms.
The anti-Thaksin camp sees Pheu Thai-led amendments as a pretext to rescue the former PM from his conviction and jail sentence. The pro-Thaksin camp blames its opponents for trying to preserve the legacy of the 2006 coup instead of allowing democratic rule to bloom fully.
To ensure a fair chance of getting out of a stalemate, opponents should see the charter rewrite for what it is rather than turning it into an issue that revolves around Thaksin.
And Thaksin’s supporters should engage their opponents in trying to advance democracy instead of pushing them into a corner and branding them as being undemocratic.
Key opposition figures have been working hard to turn Thailand’s half-baked democracy into a full-fledged one since the 1980s. They even fought against military intervention in order to restore democratic rule in the 1990s.
In 2005, they got disillusioned by Thaksin’s autocratic leadership and now they just want to prevent this elected government from unleashing runaway power.
They might have erred in opting for street protests, but at least they are as passionate about democracy as the red shirts.