This was the first time since the parliamentary system was created here that a prime minister has been impeached.
It was also the first time in Thai history that a prime minister has been impeached after leaving office, and the first time that the impeachment process has been carried out under a constitution torn up by coup-makers.
Of course, few people think that the rice-pledging policy introduced by the Yingluck government was great idea. No government in the world, not even the richest one, would have come up with such a grand scheme, especially since any benefit that could be reaped would be short term and the country’s finances would pay dearly over the long term.
Yet, there is no government in the world that has been prosecuted for launching a policy it promised while campaigning for votes.
And if a government scheme is riddled with corruption, then it is the anti-graft agency’s job to point the finger and take action.
The Yingluck government obviously knew that this project could not go on forever, which is why it made some adjustments in the third year. Some farmers also realised that the subsidy would be scrapped sooner or later.
The impeachment, however, appears to have cut short the learning process for Thai voters.
Some of the people who voted for Pheu Thai Party see the impeachment as part of a grand scheme to remove the Shinawatra clan from Thai politics, while those who voted for the party without considering the negative impacts of its policies will do so again – albeit next time with compassion.
Meanwhile, few among those who oppose the Shinawatras will understand that corruption is rooted deep in Thai culture and can only be eradicated if all elements in society join hands, instead of holding protests.
After all, many in power escape punishment for their crimes – be it encroaching on forests or embezzling state funds.
It also remains to be seen if politicians will learn from this. Populist policies thrive in a place where few understand the ideals of democracy and protecting people’s rights.
Hence, Pheu Thai’s landslide victories in the past can almost guarantee that – with or without a leader from the Shinawatra clan – it will only need a new populist policy to win votes again.
Since Thailand still lacks a clear rule of law to remove corrupt politicians, few people think it is important to teach youngsters to be ethical, to punish those who commit small offences or to strengthen the country’s anti-corruption mechanism.
On the one hand, nobody involved in the Hopewell project has been punished for costing the country billions. Many have also turned a blind eye to the fact that the Bangkok Metropolitan Administration has extended the BTS (Skytrain) operating contract without opening a bid.
On the other, when the Yingluck government proposed a scheme to sell agricultural products to China in return for funding a rail project, it drew heavy criticism. Now, few bother to question the transparency of a similar plan introduced by the junta. Its decision to give a similar project to China and its apparent move to give some others to Japan – without an auction – was also met with silence.
Democrat Party leader Abhisit Vejjajiva made an interesting remark last weekend – he said Yingluck’s impeachment was possible due to unusual circumstances, but hoped this does not become prevalent in Thai politics.
Unfortunately, this impeachment has set unhealthy conditions in Thailand.
If politicians who are not in office are still at risk of being impeached for “negligence”, few will want to join politics. Worse yet, many ordinary Thais have lost faith in politics, and it is doubtful if anybody will bother to protest against the impeachment, even if martial law is lifted.