If Japan COULD REALLY say sorry
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There are many reasons to admire modern-day Japan. There are also more than a few reasons to wish well for the country's premier, Shinzo Abe. His efforts to resuscitate the economy via "Abenomics" have not yet hit the target, but the country is more co
Now Abe has made history with his speech to a special joint session of the US Congress – the first Japanese premier to be afforded this honour. He expressed remorse for Japan’s role in World War II and touched on issues sensitive to Americans including Pearl Harbour while emphasising his commitment to strengthening their alliance. His emphasis on the common values shared by the two countries – “the rule of law, democracy and freedom” – went down well with most Americans.
But not so for some in Asia. While Abe expressed “remorse”, China and South Korea have been quick to condemn the refusal to acknowledge and directly apologise for the atrocities committed by the Japanese during the war.
In truth, his speech offered more than some had feared it would. Not long before speaking in the US, Abe sent a ritual offering to the controversial Yasukuni Shrine, while over 100 members of the Diet also visited in person. And there have been other bouts of “Abenesia”, downplaying Japan’s WWII atrocities in a way characteristic of the conservative, right-wing thinking that many believe reflects the current trend in Japan.
There was even some talk that he would retreat from the 1995 stance of contrition taken by then-prime minister Tomiichi Murayama. In this context, there is relief that the premier did not. But just maintaining that position may not be enough.
This year sees many WWII anniversaries – including Beijing’s celebratory military parade. Others will put forward their own and very different versions of history, to which Japan will need to respond.
The need is also driven by Premier Abe’s ambitions to build up Japan’s political and security role – also emphasised in his US speech. Tokyo can try to dress this up as self-defence and support for America. But many still see a build-up that is aimed at heading off China’s growing strength.
Southeast Asians, particularly, will need to watch developments. Though many parts of the region were occupied by Japan in WWII, there has been a pragmatic reticence in the region since the Fukuda Doctrine of the late 1970s unleashed a wave of investment.
Singapore, for instance, serves as headquarters for major Japanese corporations and has a bilateral economic partnership agreement with Japan. Singapore has also warmly welcomed Abe on several occasions, including the state funeral of our founding prime minister, Lee Kuan Yew.
This should not be taken for granted. Southeast Asians will have to watch that Abe’s expanding view of Japan’s role in regional security does not add to the tensions.
Tokyo and Beijing remain at loggerheads over territorial claims to rocks and islands. The leaders of the two countries have had only limited contact on the sidelines of larger, multilateral meetings. Moreover, Abe has pledged support to the Philippines and Vietnam over their conflicting maritime claims with China.
When Tokyo pushes further into the region, points of contact and potential conflict with Beijing will multiple and broaden. Those with their own differences with China may welcome this, but others will watch with concern for Asia’s overall stability. Even if no military conflict erupts, the underlying risk is that Beijing and Tokyo will seek to pull Asean member countries into different orbits, thus dividing the group.
Competition is already evident in the economic sphere.
Once China became Asia’s largest economy, many were looking past Japan, reckoning that its ageing demography would see it fall further behind. But the introduction of Abenomics has reminded Asians that Japan can still lend support with aid and trade. Major Japanese corporations are also resurgent investors, offering a strong combination of know-how, technology and finance.
This economic engagement has strategic dimensions, as Abe reminded his American hosts in pushing for a completion of the Trans-Pacific Partnership.
China, despite it own challenges, has stepped up its game too. President Xi’s big ideas, like the land and maritime Silk Roads, are being backed up with pledges to help friends via billions of dollars in loan funds from the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank.
Others in Asia would rather not have to choose between China and Japan. But a modus vivendi has yet to be found to accommodate both a rising China and a resurgent Japan. The current “Abenesia” is, as such, not only a question about the past but about the region’s future.
Those who wish Japan well – and I count myself among them –should not only wish for Abenomics to restart its economy. Abe is likely to complete his full term and therefore be the longest-serving Japanese leader for many years. His ambition to increase the country’s role abroad must be matched by efforts to increase trust and acceptance by other Asians.
For this, an apology that is accepted by its neighbours is needed and it must go beyond what was said for American consumption. If Japan can really say sorry – especially a Japan with a revived confidence and a strong, conservative leader such as Abe – this would help the entire region.
And yes, if it helps, such a bold and much welcome step could be dubbed an “Abpology”.
SIMON TAY is chairman of the Singapore Institute of International Affairs.
