The People’s Party has declared a major crackdown on call centre and online scam networks, aiming to eliminate them from Thailand. The country has long been seen as a “hub” for transnational crime operations, with most syndicates running their bases from neighbouring countries.
This new campaign has become a key political strategy for the party, led by Rangsiman Rome, a prominent party-list MP and one of the party’s core strategists.
Since Rangsiman’s explosive revelation during the late September parliamentary debate, in which he named Ben Smith, a businessman of Canadian–South African–Cambodian descent, the issue of transnational crime has once again drawn national attention.
Smith was previously investigated by independent journalist Tom Wright, a former Wall Street Journal reporter renowned for exposing Malaysia’s 1MDB corruption scandal. Wright’s findings linked Smith to scam syndicates in Cambodia and suggested possible connections to a Thai politician.
The Thai politician mentioned in the report has denied any involvement or connection to criminal businesses, warning those making allegations to “prepare to face court” in Phayao or Narathiwat. Meanwhile, Ben Smith has filed a defamation lawsuit against Wright in response to the exposé.
The alleged links between Smith and a high-profile Thai politician remain under investigation by relevant state agencies. Yet, beyond the unresolved cross-border issues between Thailand and Cambodia, the scandal has ignited a powerful wave of nationalism inside Thailand, one that appears to benefit the conservative bloc.
Conservative forces have seized the moment, using the public outcry over transnational crime as a platform to reassert their influence on both national and regional political stages.
The ruling Bhumjaithai Party is increasingly seen as the standard-bearer of this conservative revival, tasked with cleaning up the remnants of what many view as the bitter political entanglement between the Shinawatra and Hun families, a relationship long believed to have contributed to Thailand’s current geopolitical strain.
This conservative strategy, which positions the Bhumjaithai as its political vehicle, has left the Pheu Thai, the centre-right faction, struggling to stay afloat. The party has suffered heavy political and reputational blows.
Third-generation Shinawatra heir Paetongtarn was forced to resign as prime minister following the release of a leaked audio clip involving Cambodia’s Hun Sen.
Meanwhile, her father, Thaksin, has been ordered by the Supreme Court to serve a one-year prison sentence for corruption and is currently being held at Klong Prem Central Prison.
The turmoil has severely weakened Pheu Thai. Reports have emerged almost daily of senior party figures preparing to defect, many towards the conservative Bhumjaithai, signalling a major realignment of political loyalties amid Thailand’s shifting ideological landscape.
After being dissolved twice in seven years, Thailand’s progressive “orange camp” appears to have learned valuable lessons. Its third reincarnation, the People’s Party, has adopted a more cautious approach to avoid political pitfalls that could once again lead to dissolution.
Since the disbandment of the Move Forward Party in late 2024, the new party has notably softened its stance on sensitive issues, particularly those involving the monarchy and nationalism.
This shift has become most apparent in the ongoing Thai–Cambodian border tensions, where party leaders have refrained from criticising the military despite academic concerns that the army may be overstepping into executive functions. Only a few MPs voiced dissent, and they were swiftly summoned by party executives and instructed to remain silent on the issue.
Observers say the orange bloc has begun to “play it safe” under what has been dubbed the “two licences” theory, a strategy of balancing mass legitimacy with elite acceptance. In practice, this means adopting a “majority opposition, minority government” posture: supporting the Bhumjaithai-led coalition to pave the way for constitutional reform and a new “people’s constitution,” even at the cost of overlooking controversies such as the Khao Kradong land scandal and Senate collusion election.
Leading progressives, including Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit and Srayuth Jailak, have defended this stance as a pragmatic step, voting to keep Bhumjaithai in power temporarily in exchange for a four-month roadmap to constitutional change and a fresh election. Meanwhile, senior “orange” figures have toned down criticism of the conservative Bhumjaithai, prompting internal and public debate about whether the party has traded idealism for survival.
The “two licences” idea, as explained by Piyabutr Saengkanokkul, secretary-general of the Progressive Movement, reflects Thailand’s dual power structure. The first licence comes from the people through elections; the second from the entrenched elite, or “deep state,” which still influences who governs. The People’s Party’s latest strategy, therefore, aims to secure both legitimacy from voters and acceptance from the establishment.
To achieve that elusive “second licence,” the orange camp is now reaching toward conservatives, those on the centre-right who have grown disillusioned with traditional politics. One way to win them over is by spearheading the crackdown on call-centre and online scam syndicates, crimes that have inflicted widespread damage and angered the middle class. Success in this area could win new supporters while reinforcing the party’s image as a defender of national interests.
Notably, as scam operations based in Cambodia come under scrutiny, several orange MPs have begun taking visible action, expanding the campaign initially led by Rangsiman and Wiroj Lakkhanaadisorn. Political analysts suggest this move could “kill two birds with one stone”, boosting support among non-extreme nationalists while simultaneously putting pressure on Thai politicians suspected of ties to scam networks, as Rangsiman previously alleged.
Whether this calculated play for conservative-leaning voters will pay off remains to be seen.