Slowly, surely, the Shinawatra dynasty tightens its grip
Former police chief Priewphan Damapong is being drafted into the increasingly formidable core of family members within Pheu Thai
Changes at the top of the political parties of which Thaksin Shinawatra is known to be the real patriarch are often downplayed. When Samak Sundaravej was made leader of the People Power Party (PPP) – the first reincarnation of the Thai Rak Thai Party – he did not even try to hide the identity of his real boss. When Somchai Wongsawat replaced Samak as leader, he could not (and didn’t need to) distance himself from Thaksin, to whose sister he was married.
When the PPP reincarnated as the Pheu Thai Party, Yongyuth Wichaidit took the helm. There were a few awkward years for the low-profile Yongyuth, who lived under Thaksin and Yingluck Shinawatra’s shadow and whose public attempt to resign was blocked once. He finally had to step down to prevent the Alpine scandal ripping apart the party and the government.
Despite the “who cares?” attitude regarding who heads “Thaksin’s party”, one key development caught the public’s attention this week. Former police chief Pol General Priewphan Damapong – who is the brother of Thaksin’s ex-wife Pojaman – applied for Pheu Thai membership, triggering speculation that he was about to become Yingluck’s first deputy prime minister and/or the new leader of Pheu Thai.
Interestingly, though, to become a Cabinet member, Priewphan doesn’t have to be a party member. And since Priewphan has ruled himself out as Pheu Thai leader, only one logical explanation is left: He applied for party membership in order to qualify as an election candidate. In other words, Priewphan wants to be an MP – or some influential political figures want him to be a Member of Parliament.
So the key question is why Priewphan needs the status of MP. He doesn’t have to be an MP to join the Cabinet or to become party leader. The status only matters where the position of prime minister is concerned.
Talk about making Priewphan a prime ministerial contender isn’t new. His blood ties to Pojaman ensure he is a must-watch political figure. And the trend is pointing to people like him. Somchai, husband of Thaksin’s sister Yaowapha, became premier in 2008 and Yingluck took office after power was recaptured from the Democrats last year. Since Samak’s tenure, the premiership has remained in the family.
Whoever “officially leads” the party doesn’t matter. What counts is who pulls the strings. Before he bowed out, Yongyuth was reportedly nowhere near the top of the pecking order. Pojaman, Yingluck, Yaowapha and Yaowaret – another sister of Thaksin – were known to have more authority and command more respect than Yongyuth. Priewphan’s official arrival in the party will only strengthen the “family business”.
His intended “destination” may not yet be clear-cut. It is too early to begin viewing Priewphan as the next prime minister. But whether the former police chief is meant to be Yingluck’s successor or a substitute, or whether he has been brought in just to reward him with the post of deputy prime minister, Priewphan’s presence in the party confirms how the real patriarch of Pheu Thai wants the party run.
The Yingluck-Yaowapha-Pojaman-Priewphan-Yaowapha core appears something that is very hard to break.
There is no doubt that the Pheu Thai Party remains exactly what the Thai Rak Thai Party used to be. Thaksin’s downfall caused brief speculation about the party’s collapse and the Shinawatras’ neutralisation, but no such things have happened. Pheu Thai, provided it doesn’t shoot itself in the foot by pushing the limits of its democratic mandate to help the man it cannot live without, ironically enough, looks as strong as ever, if not stronger.
