Second chance?

The MB’s mistakes include the adoption of exclusionary policies; Morsi’s presidential decree giving himself more powers; framing an Islamic constitution without regard for political and secular groups and the Coptic minority; sidelining the al-Azhar religious leadership; non-revision of its own hierarchical structure in the face of global change; and underestimating the role of social media. All this has led to rising disaffection among its young members and sympathisers, thus contributing to its short stay in power. 

But all the blame should not go to the MB; the opposition is equally responsible for the mess and the lack of building good governance in Egypt. It refused to cooperate with Morsi and declined his calls for political cooperation. The opposition preferred to align itself with the old guard and “deep state” in order to overthrow Morsi. 

Egyptian politics today, like all politics, is chronically divided along ideological lines. With Egypt facing gigantic problems going back over 50 years of mismanagement, the building of democracy and development cannot happen overnight. This, coupled with the lack of political patience and tolerance, makes the task of reform and development a mammoth one. Establishing democracy in the Middle East requires the tolerance of difference and the practice of patience, which are among the core teachings of the Koran.

As the interim government takes office and prepares for a new election, it would be foolhardy to discount the role of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egyptian and Middle-Eastern politics. Since its formation the MB has always engaged in opposing authoritarianism; it has played a dynamic role in shaping the role of political Islam at the world level in the post-colonial era, in spite of its extremist tendencies reflected in the thought of Syed Qutb.  

In the face of its outser, the MB needs to look again at its policies and the reasons behind losing the confidence of 75 per cent of Egyptians so quickly. It needs to become an inclusive party in spite of its distinct political ideology. It needs to re-fashion itself to win the confidence not only of its supporters but also the apolitical and the fence-sitters. In fact, the challenge of becoming inclusive in the age of globalisation, information and freedom – of holding multicultural/multi-religious identities – faces not only the MB in Egypt but all political parties today, be they religious or otherwise. Globalisation means accepting diversities. 

The practical way out of the Egyptian crisis is to opt for a coalition government after the election. Otherwise Egypt will remain stuck in its political quagmire, caught between the old military and the weak democratic institutions. 

The Egyptian crisis proves that the army continues to be the supreme power. As arrests of MB members continue and violence rages in the streets, Egyptian leaders of all political shades need to develop a strategy to overcome the political divide and ensure good governance to alleviate the hardships faced by the populace. Such challenges face not only Egypt but all countries today, for protests are rooted in grievances arising from exclusivist policies. Democracy is a fragile thing, it needs to be nurtured and learned.

 

Dr Imtiyaz Yusuf is director, of the Centre for Buddhist-Muslim Understanding, College of Religious Studies, Mahidol University.