Religious harmony under attack in Indonesia

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 01, 2013
Religious harmony under attack in Indonesia

Although the constitution in the Muslim-majority country is committed to protecting religious freedom, certain laws and official actions do not uphold this

Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudyohono’s invocation of religious tolerance in his Independence Day Speech in August was poignant in the light of the recent bombing of the Ekayana Buddhist Centre in Jakarta two weeks earlier. While the media speculated about the possible terrorist motive of the bombing, the bigger concern for policy-makers ought to be the persistence of religious intolerance in the country.
The Indonesian authorities echo this fear. Following the bombing incident, the chief of police, General Timur Pradopo, asked the people to remain calm and not be provoked by SARA – the local acronym referring to the four sensitive issues of ethnicity, religion, race and inter-group feelings.
While in general the Indonesian constitution and most laws and policies are committed to protecting religious freedom, there are certain laws and official actions that do not. For instance, in 2008 a decree banned proselytising activities by Ahmadiyah believers while preventing vigilante acts against the group. In addition, the decree did not prohibit the conduct of worship or other practices within the Ahmadiyah community itself. However, opposition from some factions continued. For example, in 2011 the West Java governor, Ahmad Heryawan, passed an order that banned all activities conducted by the Ahmadiyah community.
Meanwhile, some Christian churches also faced opposition from the majority Muslim community and local leaders due to a 2006 regulation that apparently made it difficult for minority Church groups to build places of worship. The regulation requires the signatures of at least 90 members of the group in addition to 60 individuals of different religious groups in the community in support of the construction, besides the approval of the local religious affairs office.
The Taman Yasmin Church in Bogor for example, has been battling a decision from the mayor denying the legality of their building permit, and has been closed since 2011. In addition, fundamentalist Islamic groups have jumped into the fray in some of these situations while police stand by and watch. For example, in January 2012, members of the Indonesian Muslim Communication Forum and the Islamic Reform Movement, harassed Taman Yasmin Church members who were conducting a service at a member’s house. In another instance, in March this year, the Batak Protestant Church Taman Sari Church in Bekasi was demolished following opposition from the Taman Sari Islamic People’s Forum.
Furthermore, results from surveys confirm the rising discomfort that Indonesians harbour towards those of different religious backgrounds. A January study by the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) noted that 68 per cent of its respondents disagreed with allowing a place of worship for other faiths in their neighbourhood. In 2012, a study by the reputable Indonesian Survey Circle found that 15 per cent of its respondents are wary of people of different religious backgrounds, an increase from 8 per cent in its 2005 study.
As an illustration, on August 19 this year, some residents of Lenteng Agung subdistrict in south Jakarta petitioned for the removal of the newly installed subdistrict head, owing to the fact that she is not Muslim.
It is easy to see that the current worrying state of creeping religious intolerance can, under certain conditions, lead to violence. Thus, there is a need for policy-makers to build what Singaporean geographer Lily Kong describes as “proactive and reactive capacities” when addressing the problems of religious intolerance in Indonesia.
There is also a need to anticipate religious adversities and to harness religion for social wellbeing. Policy-makers should also think about ways to limit the damage from religious adversity. The building of “proactive and reactive” capacities in the Indonesian religious context requires other initiatives: 
First, reform in the area of religious education in schools. Education officials already recognise the possible link between violence across the archipelago and shortcomings in the Indonesian education system. To address this issue, curriculum reform was implemented in June that removed the teaching of science, English and information technology in order to dedicate more time to religious studies.
However, the new curriculum needs to incorporate inter-faith teaching of religion. It should also expose students to the fact that the religious landscape in Indonesia, and all over Southeast Asia, is largely characterised by religious diversity. Such reforms in the religious education system are more likely to improve inter-religious understanding and tolerance in the longrun.
Second, there is a need for political will. Indonesian leaders should enforce the constitutional guarantee for religious freedom in the country. This is especially so in the regions, where the central government in Jakarta has been unable to interfere, given the authority of regional officials as outlined in the 2004 Regional Administration Law. This is best illustrated in the case of Taman Yasmin Church, whereby the Bogor mayor refused to obey a 2010 ruling by the Supreme Court to allow the Christian congregation to hold services at the church.
Finally, there is a need for training. Law enforcement authorities need to improve training in view of their increasing involvement in situations involving inter-religious conflicts. Training academies should consider incorporating teachings on inter-faith religious studies in their curricula, as well as practical knowledge on preparing officers for deployment to situations of religious conflict or violence.
 
Jennifer Yang Hui is an associate research fellow at the Centre of Excellence for National Security, the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.
 
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