Peaceful sleepers undisturbed by the pressing need for change

I guess that encourages many of us to think that when conditions are good enough, why change? This mindset helps explain why, despite the tragedy on October 14, 1973, military rule has returned periodically ever since even as Thailand’s society and economy have evolved in line with international trends.

I can’t help comparing Thailand with Poland, both proud nations with history that reaches back for many centuries. Yet they are heading in very different directions. 

Proud Thais are reminded of their heritage by the remains of once-glorious kingdoms in Sukhothai and Ayutthaya, while Poles can look back as far as their 10th-century Piast dynasty. 

Cuisine is another source of pride in both countries. My guide on a recent visit to the ancient city of Krakow pointed out that Poland was the birth place of vodka, though he saved most of his admiration for the baroque facades and ceilings of centuries-old buildings that have been cleverly incorporated into a shopping complex in the city. 

Yet, Thailand and Poland have taken different paths over the past few decades. 

In Poland, changes during and after WWII hid Poland from the world’s view. During the war, three million Poles were sent to death camps, Jews and non-Jews. Under the tight control of Nazi Germany, the flow of food and everyday necessities was cut off and citizens of the new capital city, Warsaw, eventually staged a heroic uprising. Using makeshift tactics and home-made weapons they fought courageously against the strongest army in Europe. Only when the Germans launched an all-out bombardment of the city did the uprising finally fail. 

“They said the smell was terrible during that summer,” said one Pole I spoke to, recalling a time when around 200,000 of his compatriots died in the bombing or the executions that followed. 

Of the 1.3 million population before the war, only about 1,000 were still in central Warsaw at its end. Yet thousands returned to help rebuild the capital city, in a process which lasted 10 years. As a reminder, nearly all buildings carry a plaque, indicating the date they were rebuilt.

The end of the war brought communist rule. Many in the country fought the repressive regime for years, and were able to declare in 1989. In doing so, they drew the global spotlight firmly back to Poland. 

Poles struggled for years in the aftermath, but quarter of a century on, it is now a strong member of the European Union and is sending troops to Afghanistan and Iraq. 

As for the economy, Poland was the only EU country in 2009 to show economic growth, as its neighbouring countries in the bloc suffered dearly from the financial crisis.

A meeting with Maciej Wewior, spokesperson for the Warsaw Stock Exchange (WSE), surprised me. Founded in 1991, the exchange is relatively new to the global economy. Rules are being changed to accommodate stock and bond issuance by companies anywhere in the world. With a market capitalisation of just 148 billion euro in the first half of this year, it is relatively small compared to the London Stock Exchange, Europe’s biggest bourse, whose end-2013 market cap was over US$4 trillion. Yet, the WSE is fighting on, with a goal to eventually outpace its London brother. (That’s impressive. No one in the Thai capital market would ever dare to say that Thailand could one day better Singapore, currently the biggest bourse in Asean.) 

It seemed that Poland’s past sufferings were gone, until the crisis in Ukraine erupted. The eyes of Poles, from the top echelons of government down to the person on the street, are fixed on the developments, alert for any signs that Soviet-style imperialism might be spreading their way. They are prepared to protect their country, just as they have done many times before over the centuries. 

Somehow, this sentiment reminds me of the unity we hear Thais once evinced when we lost the Kingdom of Ayutthaya to the invading Burmese. But it also recalls the disunity which partially explained the defeat. 

It reminds me too of the recent court fight with Cambodia over the Preah Vihear Temple. Thais then, regardless of their “political colours”, were united. When the international ruled against substantial changes to the border, disunity returned and helped to fuel another military coup. 

Is this cycle of military intervention the result of a big gap in our access to information? I guess not. The technology of 1973 was primitive in comparison to that we enjoy today. Yet back then university students were joined by union workers, businessmen and ordinary folks to protest army rule. 

Is it because of inequality? Possibly. 

But the real reason might well be a lack of ethical standards. Politicians should have been more far-sighted and socially responsible in bridging the gaps. Businesses and citizens should have been more responsible towards their countrymen. Also to blame is the “mai bpen rai” nature of Thais, too ready to forget disturbing incidents. It helps to explain why history books are altered, leaving no chance for the next generations to learn from their ancestors’ achievements and mistakes. For centuries, we have honoured the heroic fighters of Bang Rajan village for holding out in the Ayutthaya era. But how many national heroes of our modern history can we name? 

Thais have learned that all governments are corrupt, but the anti-corruption process remains weak. Why? Well, why change when the situation is peaceful again? And I doubt whether there will be anything to break this peace that has settled upon us, anything that will force Thais to open their eyes and ears and begin earnestly seeking long-lasting change.