FRIDAY, April 19, 2024
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Seeking more than illusion in Rancho Mirage

Seeking more than illusion in Rancho Mirage

The US-Southeast Asia summit in California might provide the help we need in many areas

The first standalone summit between the United States and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean), in California this week, is scrutinising troubled waters in search of a secure and prosperous future for both sides.
The meeting at the Sunnylands Centre in Rancho Mirage is also important for the opportunity it offers two outgoing national leaders to put their countries on a path to improved cooperation that will maximise mutual benefits long after they leave office.
Myanmar President Thein Sein cancelled his attendance at the summit at the last minute, perhaps overtaken by events ahead of his exit from office in March. But Barack Obama, now in the final year of his presidency, is there, along with Premier Nguyen Tan Dung of Vietnam. Obama is waiting for November elections to decide on his successor in the White House. Nguyen’s turn comes at mid-year when voters go to the polls in Vietnam.
These two might be the “lame ducks” at the Sunnylands summit, but our own Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha can be viewed as even weaker in international standing, having come to power by leading the 2004 coup against an elected government. The military-backed regime he heads has poor relations with the US, which 
misses few opportunities to bemoan that setback to Thai democracy.
Nonetheless, such inconvenient circumstances will not be allowed to derail the important business on the table in California. Signals coming from leaders at the meeting indicate clearly that neither the American nor the Asian side is willing to abandon or undercut the other in these difficult times.
Obama must demonstrate that Southeast Asia is a linchpin in the “pivot” to the East that his administration has woven into American foreign policy. Washington and Asean announced a new “strategic partnership” in November and the current summit is expected to reaffirm that Asian pivot (from the Middle East) will remain a central plank in US strategy when the next administration arrives in Washington.
For Asean this partnership offers economic, political and security benefits.
In terms of the economy, most of Southeast Asia is deeply reliant on the US market. While the American economy has shown positive signs of recovery, most Asean members – notably Thailand – are still fiscally awash. The Trans Pacific Partnership that Washington is promoting might afford opportunities for Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore and Vietnam, which have signed on, but its daunting challenges have left the others reluctant. A US diplomat has at least offered assurances that Obama doesn’t intend to “force” the Asean holdouts into joining the pact.
Regarding regional security, Southeast Asia is on edge over Beijing’s intentions in the South China Sea, where Vietnam, the Philippines and other Asean members claim the same territories as China. Adding to the jitters is the rise of terrorism and other non-traditional threats. Asean needs Washington’s help with all of this.
In one other key area, it is 
disappointing that the US has pulled 
its punches regarding human rights, which continue to be routinely 
trampled in Thailand, Cambodia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam and are given no more than lip 
service in Brunei, Indonesia, the Philippines and Singapore.
The Thai government has significantly impaired freedoms of expression and assembly. Kuala Lumpur and Phnom Penh ride roughshod over government critics. Laos, even as current chair of Asean, steadfastly refuses to explain the 2012 disappearance of Magsaysay Award winner Sombath Somphone.
Being strategic partners of the US doesn’t give the leaders of Southeast Asia carte blanche to violate citizens’ basic rights. If the United States were truly interested in fostering democracy around the world, it would insist on straightforward discussion about rights at the summit.
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