The legacies and lessons of the Vietnam War

The lingering impact of the war are important, and Memorial Day, provides a particularly appropriate time for reflection. While most US combat forces were volunteers, a substantial number of draftees were engaged. Hostility to the war and the draft fuelled anti-war protests on campuses and more broadly. President Richard Nixon ended the draft in 1973, responding in part to the public hostility and also to the destructive consequences of the war for the US military, especially the army. America’s more recent wars have been smaller in scale.
American troops in Afghanistan occupy outposts reminiscent of those in Vietnam. In both cases, outrage at foreign invaders in part defines our opponents. On the other hand, forces in Afghanistan are under UN and Nato authority, in stark contrast to Vietnam.
The insurgencies in Afghanistan and Iraq have not achieved broad support comparable to that of the revolutionary National Liberation Front (NLF) in Vietnam. The Viet Cong, the NLF military arm, demonstrated exceptional discipline. The Islamic State in the Middle East remains distinct from wider populations.
Nonetheless, the NLF remains germane. A US Army Special Forces major who spent a year in Vietnam discussed his experiences soon thereafter. He described the eerie impact of hearing a letter from his wife read over Radio Hanoi. When later he received that letter through US military mail, the sealed envelope was apparently pristine.
Henry Kissinger was involved in Vietnam policy during the Johnson as well as Nixon administrations. He became convinced Hanoi was not anxious for the Americans to leave, because a large percentage of US material was diverted to revolutionary hands.
American society emphasises practical, tangible measures. Defence Secretary Robert McNamara made body counts and weapons captured indicators of Vietnam progress. In hindsight, expanding totals meant the enemy was becoming more numerous.
Tremendous emphasis was placed on destroying the Central Office South Vietnam (COSVN), headquarters of the NLF. When bombing raids resulted in major secondary explosions, analysts were pressured to confirm COSVN had at last been hit. The headquarters was vital, but never a fixed location. Rather, COSVN was a team of able, dedicated people constantly on the move.
Today, US military strategies reflect Vietnam experience. Special operations officers can achieve top command. During Vietnam, a Special Forces soldier was not going to rise above the rank of colonel.
Americans are now more cautious about intervening in other people’s revolutions and overall remain generally reluctant to send our military overseas.
Perhaps the most important political legacy of Vietnam has been the growing segregation of the US’ all-volunteer military from wider society. Opinion polls reflect this. The off-hand “Thank you for your service” ironically symbolises this distance.
Reintegrating returning warriors remains profoundly important. During the Vietnam War, some vets met hostility and many faced indifference. Death rates from suicide and other causes have been relatively high for Vietnam veterans.
The Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, a black wall below ground level, is inscribed with the names of Americans who died in the war. Architect Maya Lin’s design, selected through competition, represents the ambiguity of the conflict.
Monuments serve only as a backdrop to the effectiveness of society, a human challenge for everyone. Aiding veterans is human work, encouraged but not replaced by symbols.

Arthur I Cyr is Clausen distinguished professor at Carthage College, Wisconsin, and author of “After the Cold War”.