Old problems resurface on Myanmar's road to freedom

It might not be as bad as it used to be, but old habits die hard. That’s the story of Myanmar’s intelligence work. Back in the days when security tsar General Khin Nyunt was running the show, overseeing an enormous security and intelligence apparatus, Myanmar’s spies and security operatives were notorious. Talking about them sent a chill down the spine, especially for those who had been arrested and interrogated. 

During Khin Nyunt’s time in office, Myanmar was one of the most isolated nations in the world, an international pariah condemned and sanctioned for multiple rights abuses. Much of the credit for that was given to the intelligence apparatus he oversaw. 

In line with the classic rivalry between regular army personnel and military intelligence, something had to give. So in October 2004 the then-prime minister was ousted by the regular army. He was put under house arrest and his mid- to senior-ranking subordinates were removed as well. The powerful intelligence operation was no more. Or so we thought.

Khin Nyunt’s security outfit might have been more efficient, given its top-down nature. In a way, what Myanmar has now is more like the Thai intelligence agencies – every unit seems to have its own spies and operatives and no single person or agency is overseeing the big picture.

Although the democratic situation has “improved” in Myanmar – partly because of the growing number of civic organisations and rights activists –plainclothes officers still snoop around today asking all sorts of questions, about the whereabouts of this or that person, usually political and social activists.

“It’s not as bad as it used to be,” concurs Mya Aye, a citizens-rights activist. “But it’s really annoying. They act like we’re criminals – harassing us, our families. It’s disrespectful and intimidating. It shouldn’t be this way anymore.”

Mya Aye was one of the student leaders of the failed uprising in 1988 against the repressive military junta that had ruled for nearly five decades and employed a colossal network of intelligence agents to crack down on dissent.

While the level of oppression has decreased under the current administration, Myanmar still has a long way to go in terms of ensuring and protecting civil rights. 

Just recently an opposition lawmaker from the National League for Democracy was informed that he had to inform the authorities at least 20 days in advance before allowing any political activities to take place in his restaurant in Yangon.

Political reform is a good thing, and it is important that Myanmar stays the course and does not revert back to the old ways of doing things. The country needs a strong and vibrant civil society and the people want freedom. This means there is no place for the state-sponsored harassment of the old days. They say that old habits die hard, but it is never too late to change, even for a regime as entrenched as that in Myanmar.