High expectations await Malaysia's Asean chair

Last time Malaysia chaired Asean in 2005, two memorable events took place at the top echelon and the bottom level. As the host of the inaugural East Asia Summit (EAS), Malaysia was keen to respond to Russia’s strong desire to become a founding member of EAS – a leaders-only strategic forum. At the time, President Vladimir Putin had a high visibility in Southeast Asia. But the ambition failed due to resistance from the Asean colleagues and the US.

Another legacy was former prime minister Abdullah Badawi’s big plan to get input from normal citizens in the form of interface between the Asean leaders and representatives of Asean-based civil society organisa?tions (CSO) and grass-roots groups. After the first smooth opening, the highly scripted encounters quickly morphed into either “losing face” or “face-saving” sessions, depending on the chairs and their comfort levels with the non-state players. As of today, the Asean leaders still prefer a tete-a-tete with their handpicked CSO representatives rather than independent ones. Despite this uncomfortable co-existence, the Asean and CSO leaders still value the need to continue and broaden the exchanges on issues to be affected by the arrival of the Asean Community (AC) and beyond.

To celebrate one decade of bottom-up engagement, Malaysia wants to highlight the Asean citizens’ aspirations for a better community and human security. As early as April, Najib talked about a people-centred Asean as the slogan, much to the chagrin of conservative Asean members. However, during the Asean chairmanship hand-over ceremony last week, Malaysia’s official slogan was softened into “Our People, Our Community, Our Vision”.

For a few Asean leaders, heavy emphasis on people-centred activities and programmes these days could have stressful impacts on intra-Asean ties and decision-making at the top. That helps explain why Asean documents have to wrestle with politically correct words about “people-oriented” or “people participation”.

In the past, the people-centred or people-to-people concept was used quite readily in the Asean discourse. However, the current political climate and democratic transformation in Cambodia, Thailand and Myanmar has caused shifts in perception toward the people-centred approach amid growing uneasiness among less democratic members. Rising Indonesia’s democracy and confidence has further widened this perception gap.

As such, Malaysia will have to carefully manage intra-Asean relations and rivalries. Domestic politics aside, transnational issues such as the fight against Islamic State extremists, the plight of the Rohingya and the danger of climate change, require Asean’s unity and unwavering support that must be forged under Kuala Lumpur’s leadership. Malaysia’s two-year term on the UN Security Council will resonate well with the Asean chair, increasing its international profile and placing Asean under the global microscope.

Dealing with the outside world, Malaysia will not be found wanting at all due to its active non-aligned diplomacy with all powers, big and small. Existing Asean political and security frameworks such as – the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation, Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality as well as the Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapons Free Zone, including the early concept of an East Asian economic community – all have Malaysia’s deep fingerprints.

As a party to the South China Sea impasse, Malaysia has to lead Asean at its most critical time. The pressure to maintain the excellent level of relations with China during its meteoric rise and the demand for further progress on the drafting of the code of conduct, can be daunting tasks. Historically speaking, Malaysia-China relations have exceptional qualities and characteristics due to their history and large Chinese diaspora, as well as overall strategic value.

Economic ties between the two nations enjoyed the highest value and potential among Asean countries, often trumping the headline news on quarrels over the maritime disputes with China. Malaysia, which has been less vitriolic than the Philippines and Vietnam, will be in the spotlight when it has to make a call related to the dispute, whether verbally or in the form of joint or chairman’s statements. Any future maritime tension would certainly affect the Asean chair.

Presiding over the AC arrival in 408 days, Malaysia has a clear direction – pushing Asean forward in a more holistic and efficient way for the region’s integration beyond 2015. To do that, the Jakarta-based Asean Secretariat must be better funded and resourced. While Malaysia has been willing to put money where its mouth is, other members are still reluctant. The chair will be responsible to come up with a draft outline for the vision of Asean in the next decade (2015-2025), making the community more responsive to the wishes of 630 million Asean citizens.

At the personal level, Najib desires to make this Asean chairmanship memorable – bearing his vision of One Asean for All. As such, he has to pursue a delicate balancing act as a moderate leader and a peacemaker both at home and abroad.