The family planning policy was introduced in the late 1970s to slow the pace of population growth. Later, the government relaxed the policy and allowed couples in some rural areas to have a second child if the first was a girl. The government relaxed the rules again in the early 2000s and allowed couples – if both were from single-child families – to have a second child. Nevertheless, the big picture is that a large proportion of the population, particularly the majority of couples living in cities, still cannot have more than one child.
The policy has had a huge impact on China’s demographic profile, with the most apparent being on the total fertility rate. The fertility rate has fallen to 1.6 children per woman compared with about 2.4 for other countries at the same level of development as China but without population controls. The current fertility rate is also well below the replacement level of 2.2, which would lead, other things being equal, to a stable population.
As a result, China is set to see a big drop in its population. In particular, the population of people between 15 and 59 years, the backbone of the workforce, is set to fall by about 7 per cent by 2030, according to UN Population Division forecasts. Data from China’s National Statistics Bureau show that last year the country’s working-age population fell for the first time in the modern era.
Concerns over the economic impact of a large fall in the workforce population appear to have triggered a shift in official thinking. Even if all couples might be able to have a second child from 2015, for now lifting all population control measures looks to have been ruled out.
Many people believe that the easing of the family planning policy will help boost the economy. But the economic impact of such a change will be much smaller than they think because of three factors.
First and most apparent, it will take at least 15 years for children born under new regulations to be old enough to join the workforce. Thus, increased fertility rates will not provide a solution to the worsening demographic outlook at least until the end of the next decade.
Second, it is not clear how many couples will choose to have a second child even if restrictions are lifted. Couples in cities, who will be the biggest beneficiaries of any change, do not generally appear to want more children. Surging costs of housing and education, in particular, are likely to make families think twice before having a second child.
According to a recent survey, nearly half of urban residents want just one child. Their percentage is, in general, higher in more developed regions. Beijing and Shanghai, the most developed cities in China, are among those with the lowest fertility rates. This implies that as the rest of the country continues to develop and living standards increase, more couples are likely to become less willing to have more than one child. In other words, even if the family planning policy is relaxed, the change will probably only slow the pace of the fall in the workforce population but will not be strong enough to turn the trend around.
Finally, growth in the workforce population has made only a small contribution to China’s economic miracle. Although China’s economic growth on average was 10 per cent a year during the last two decades, the increase in the workforce added less than a percentage point to annual growth. The rest of the growth was the result of making workers more productive. The main reason why growth could slow in the coming decades is, therefore, not the shrinking labour force but the likely slowdown in productivity growth as the room to catch up with richer economies diminishes.
In the long run, easing of the family planning policy will be important to correct the distortions in China’s demographics, such as the skewed gender ratio and ageing population, which are undermining social stability. However, to sustain fast economic growth, it is more important that the government implement structural reforms to facilitate better allocations of resources and improve productivity.
Qinwei Wang is a Chinese economist at Capital Economics, a London-based independent macro-economic research consultancy.