Bhumjaithai upgrades strategy, expands local dynasties to boost party-list votes

The line-up for Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s cabinet is now almost fully settled, with the list of ministers submitted to the Secretariat of the Cabinet for rigorous vetting to avoid any potential legal challenges.

Yet behind the appointments lies a broader political design attributed to Newin Chidchob, the de facto spiritual leader of the Bhumjaithai Party. Analysts say his strategy is not simply to let Anutin serve as a four-month caretaker premier, but to position the party for victory in the next general election and secure four more years in power.

Traditionally, Newin and Bhumjaithai have pursued a “mid-sized party” strategy, large enough to influence coalition politics but not so dominant as to attract destabilising opposition. 

However, as the political landscape shifts in his favour, Newin appears set on expanding the “blue empire,” strengthening its networks from grassroots supporters to VIP and VVIP connections.

Accordingly, the Anutin cabinet is expected to balance two categories of appointments: political quotas and outsider quotas. Together, these are designed to fortify Bhumjaithai’s power base and broaden the reach of its blue network ahead of the next electoral contest.

Most of Bhumjaithai’s “political quotas” in the Anutin cabinet are seen as rewards for the party’s financiers and regional political dynasties. Those who previously held ministerial portfolios in the Srettha–Paetongtarn administrations have returned to the line-up, but many have now been upgraded to more powerful positions.

For example, Pipat Ratchakitprakarn, a southern power broker, is slated to become transport minister; Surasak Phancharoenworakul, from the Ayutthaya clan, is tipped as higher education minister; Sabida Thaiset of the Uthai Thani family is set for the culture ministry; and Paradorn Prisananantakul of Ang Thong is due to join the cabinet as minister attached to the Prime Minister’s Office.

The cabinet also fulfils earlier promises to influential “ban yai” (political dynasties) that delivered landslide wins at the provincial level. Sasithorn Kittithornkul, daughter of Krabi provincial administrative chief Somsak Kittithornkul, is expected to be appointed deputy interior minister after Bhumjaithai swept all constituencies in the province.

At the same time, Newin has extended alliances beyond Bhumjaithai, forging ties with Santi Promphat, secretary-general of Palang Pracharath. Under the deal, Santi will secure one ministerial and one deputy ministerial seat in exchange for delivering six MPs and additional party-list leverage. Phetchabun strongman Akkaradet Thongjaisod has pledged that his faction will shift allegiance to Bhumjaithai in the next election.

Analysts note that Newin’s calculations show the trade-off to be more than worthwhile, ceding two cabinet seats today in exchange for stronger parliamentary numbers and a broader base of political influence in the next contest.

Bhumjaithai has also extended cabinet quotas to Palang Pracharath’s southern faction. Led by MPs Tawee Suraban of Trang and Sutthum Jarit-ngam of Nakhon Si Thammarat, the group brought together six votes and nominated Santi Piyatat, managing director of KC Property Plc, for a ministerial seat.

The dual strategy of rewarding powerful local dynasties both inside and outside the party reflects Newin’s design to position Bhumjaithai for stronger constituency-level dominance in the next election.

At the same time, Newin recognises the party’s persistent weakness in party-list representation, which cost it additional seats in previous polls. Building stronger grassroots momentum is seen as essential if Bhumjaithai is to expand its parliamentary footprint.

The formation of a “minority government” has eased the burden of rewarding coalition partners, leaving more ministerial posts to be allocated strategically. This has allowed the Anutin cabinet to include a substantial number of “outsider” ministers, who are expected to take charge of key economic ministries and broaden the party’s governing base.

Anutin has unveiled a line-up of outsider ministers in his cabinet that has been broadly welcomed across society, particularly within business circles familiar with the calibre of the appointees.

Former Constitution Drafting Committee chairman Bowornsak Uwanno has been tapped as deputy prime minister for legal affairs, while Ekniti Nitithanprapas will serve as deputy prime minister for economic affairs and finance minister, with Woraphak Thanyawong as his deputy.

Auttapol Rerkpiboon, former CEO of PTT Plc, will become energy minister; Suphajee Suthumpun, CEO of Dusit Thani Group, will serve as commerce minister; and Sihasak Phuangketkeow, a former permanent secretary of the Foreign Ministry, is slated to be foreign minister.

The selection of technocrats and industry leaders reflects Bhumjaithai’s strategy under Newin to raise the party’s profile and win crucial party-list seats. With only four months in office, the cabinet is designed to deliver quick results, particularly through the revived Khon La Khrueng co-payment scheme aimed at boosting short-term purchasing power and popularity ahead of the next general election.

Analysts note that the ultimate objective for Newin and Bhumjaithai is no longer to remain a mid-sized party, but to elevate it into the ranks of Thailand’s major political forces.

Bhumjaithai’s political journey began in the general election of July 3, 2011, when the party fielded candidates for the first time under leader Chavarat Charnvirakul, father of Anutin. The party won 34 seats, 29 constituency MPs and 5 from the party list, but lost out to the powerful wave of support for Thaksin Shinawatra and the Red Shirts. 

In the Northeast, many voters saw Bhumjaithai as “betraying” the Shinawatras, leaving the fledgling blue party in opposition.

By the March 24, 2019, election, Anutin had taken over as party leader and was named its prime ministerial candidate. Bhumjaithai captured 51 seats, 39 constituency MPs and 12 party-list MPs, out of 500. With the single-ballot system, the party gained 3,734,459 votes nationwide. Despite being courted by Pheu Thai with an offer of the premiership, Anutin opted to join General Prayut Chan-o-cha’s government, serving as a minister instead.

In the May 14, 2023, election, Anutin led the party to 71 seats, 68 constituency MPs and 3 party-list MPs, making it the third-largest in the party-list vote with 1,138,202 votes. After Paetongtarn Shinawatra lost her grip on the premiership, Bhumjaithai successfully struck a deal to form a minority coalition. With 146 of its own MPs and the support of 143 from the People’s Party, Anutin secured the votes to become prime minister.

Looking at its trajectory since 2011, Bhumjaithai’s stronghold has remained the Northeast, driven by the influence and strategy of Newin, the party’s “chief strategist.” Over time, the party expanded into parts of the Central region and the lower North. By 2019, under the guidance of Pipat Ratchakitprakarn, Bhumjaithai also broke through in the South, seizing ground from the Democrat Party for the first time.

By the 2023 general election, Bhumjaithai had already moved beyond its mid-sized status, capturing nearly 100 MPs, and consolidating its Buri Ram stronghold while expanding into the central provinces, the upper Northeast, and the South.

It was no surprise, then, when party patriarch Newin used his birthday on October 4, 2022, to declare his ambition to push Anutin into the premiership with a target of 120 seats. That ambition became reality in 2025 when Anutin emerged as prime minister, though under a minority coalition.

Meanwhile, Pheu Thai, the party once dominant with Thaksin and Paetongtarn Shinawatra at the helm, is showing signs of decline. Dusit Poll’s latest survey, conducted September 9–12 with 1,238 respondents, revealed that if an election were held today, 23.9% would vote for the People’s Party, 21.35% remained undecided, while Bhumjaithai ranked third at 14.2%, ahead of Pheu Thai (11.6%) and Palang Pracharath (10.39%).

The road to becoming a true major party for Bhumjaithai lies in breaking the 100-MP threshold, primarily by drawing support away from Pheu Thai. Holding state power during the run-up to the election gives the “blue party” a significant advantage.

Unlike the past three elections, where Bhumjaithai struggled to generate momentum, Newin now aims to reshape its image as a grassroots-based party powered by local dynasties and patronage networks, while simultaneously appealing to middle-class voters through outsider ministers with strong credentials.

To succeed, the party must capture not only constituency votes but also the broader national mood. Conservative votes remain a large pool: in 2023, Pheu Thai, United Thai Nation, Palang Pracharath, and the Democrats together drew more than 6 million votes. If a significant portion of that bloc swings toward Bhumjaithai, the blue party could seize leadership of the conservative front.

With just four months before parliament is dissolved, the party is relying on quick-win policies, such as a new phase of the Khon La Khrueng (Half-Half) co-payment scheme, to boost short-term popularity. The ultimate goal is to position Anutin for a second premiership, in an election where both the red (Pheu Thai) and orange (People's Party) camps may stumble, leaving the blue camp to claim the prize.