Football and Thai politics – a symbiotic relationship

It can be said that almost all Thais are delighted with Lisa's new music video, which chose Yaowarat in Bangkok’s Chinatown as the filming location. This has been praised as the most powerful way to promote Thai soft power.

There are not many people who, when they make a move, create such a high social impact, also known as High-Impact Influencers. These individuals mainly come from two professions: artists/entertainers and athletes.

Breaking the YouTube record with over 32.4 million views within the first 24 hours, the highest number in 2024, has been widely praised by people from all walks of life. Among them are politicians, which is not necessarily wrong, but there are also groups of people who dislike those political parties and criticise them for riding the wave of fame. This is quite normal.

Speaking of this, it’s clear that the entertainment, sports, and political sectors are deeply interconnected. Beyond acting abilities, athletic skills, or the policies and ideologies of a political party, success is also tied to public popularity.

The methods and processes to gain such popularity are quite similar, whether it’s resource allocation and management, the administration of actors, players, or candidates, and reaching out to target audiences at both local and national levels.

In the realm of Thai sports, while the front may emphasise the benefits to health, there are deeper aspects behind the scenes, especially in the football industry.

Aside from numerous large businesses that support the football industry, recognising the popularity of this number one sport can extend to their products and services. Examples include Muang Thai Insurance with Port FC, True Corporation with True Bangkok United, Yamaha with Muangthong United, and various beverage companies with their logos prominently displayed on countless football team jerseys.

In addition to private enterprises, politicians or political groups are also significant supporters of this sport. How serious are they? The intense interest in football is evident in the fierce competition to win the presidency of the Football Association of Thailand, involving both business and political groups earlier this year.

Therefore, it’s not surprising that when we look across the country, we see an inseparable bond between football clubs and the political sphere, each relying on the other.

Football clubs need individuals who can dedicate and invest in the high costs of running a club, while politicians or political groups seek the benefits from the popularity of these clubs, which reflects on them as major supporters.

Simply put, when a club receives financial support, it can acquire quality players and managers, and have the budget for effective management. This increases their chances of success in competitions, gaining the favour of the masses, which in turn benefits their supporters, whether they are political groups or politicians, from the local to the national level.

When we look at various clubs, we see numerous major political supporters, such as Chonburi FC (Khun Pluem-Singhtong), Buriram United (Chidchob), Leo Chiang Rai United (Tiyapirat), Ratchaburi Mitr Phol FC (Nitikarnjana), Phrae United (Suphasiri-Prasjaksattru), Nakhon Ratchasima Mazda FC (Liptapanlop-Tomornsak), Chainat Hornbill (Nakhasai), and Khon Kaen United (Changlao), among others.

Given the intertwined relationship between politics and football, it is not surprising to see the parallel success and popularity trends in both fields.

A clear example of this phenomenon is Chonburi FC. The Shark team was relegated to Thai League 2 after being thrashed 6-0 by Muangthong United in the 2023-24 Thai League season, Match 29, on May 15.

The unexpected relegation of Chonburi FC is a significant event in Thai football history. Since 2006, Chonburi FC has been a top-tier team in the country's highest league for 18 years, winning the Thai League twice. They played a key role in boosting the popularity of local football teams and the Thai League across the nation.

What happened today?

To understand, we must look back at the origins. Chonburi FC was founded by members of two allied political families in Chonburi: the Khunpluem and Singhtong families.

In her master's thesis at Thammasat University, "The Role of Chonburi FC in Creating and Maintaining Political Support in Chonburi", Chalinee Sonphlai detailed the social connections between the political family members and the football club's management, showing how this influenced political popularity.

When Somchai Khunpluem, also known as Kamnan Poh, a highly influential figure in the area, was absconding following charges of land corruption in Khao Mai Kaew and a murder-for-hire case in 2006, his political network lost almost every significant election, including member of Parliament, mayor, and city council positions in Chonburi.

His eldest son, Sontaya Khunpluem, then strategised to revive the "We Love Chonburi" group to regain their political stronghold. This included fielding Witthaya Khunpluem, a former Chonburi MP, for the Chonburi Provincial Administrative Organization (PAO) chief executive election in 2008 and fielding Itthiphol Khunpluem, another former Chonburi MP, for the Pattaya City mayor election in the same year.

Both were successful, further strengthening the “We Love Chonburi” group's influence. They secured 33 out of 36 seats in the Chonburi PAO Council and 24 seats in the Pattaya City Council for the “We Love Pattaya” group led by Itthiphol.

Simultaneously, in 2006, Chonburi Football Club, supported by the Khunpluem and Singhtong families, earned the right to compete in the 2006 Thai Premier League as the 2005 Provincial League champions. By working as a team and dividing external and internal management duties, the club achieved great success, winning the 2007 Thai Premier League and securing a spot in the 2008 AFC Champions League. They continuously developed their professionalism and modernised their image, becoming widely known as the "Sharks" or "Chonburi FC”.

Chonburi FC, a provincial football team with top-tier performance in the country, experienced unstoppable growth and success. This rise coincided with political prosperity until 2011, when Sontaya Khunpluem and the “We Love Chonburi” group founded the "Palang Chon Party" to contest the general elections. They succeeded in winning six out of eight constituencies in Chonburi.

However, as time passed, significant changes occurred in the complex political landscape of the country and Chonburi itself. The emergence and popularity of new political parties, along with the presence of numerous influential families in the province, such as the Nueangjamnong and Chomklin families, marked a shift.

In the 2019 and 2023 general elections, the previously dominant group struggled, with few members elected as MPs, mirroring Chonburi FC's relegation this season.

Whether this is a coincidence or a connection can be debated, but comparing other football clubs with political backers may reveal whether a club's success correlates with the supporting political party's popularity. In the author's view, football and politics are like "water and boats, tigers and forests" – mutually dependent and inseparable.

Itsara Seriwattanawut

Pongpreeda Limwattanakul

King Prajadhipok's Institute